Foreign legionaries with experience of fighting against Russia are now applying it in Ukraine. Below, in the material of RBC-Ukraine, you will find information on how they view Russians, what they think of Ukrainians, and how they plan to fight the occupiers in their homeland.
The invasion of Ukraine is far from the Kremlin’s first crime. Russia has initiated aggressive wars in other countries, physically and politically occupying them, organizing separatist movements, creating “pseudorepublics” there, or completely seizing states.
Moldova, Georgia, and Chechnya are not a complete list of countries where Russian troops have been present. These states are now partially or fully occupied by Russia. Many residents of these countries had already experienced Russian aggression long before 2014, fought against the Russian army, and are well acquainted with the Ukrainian enemy.
“If I win here, I will liberate Chechnya too”
Muslim Madiev is 62 years old. When Russians first arrived in Chechnya with weapons, he was 33. His first battle took place in 1992, two years before Russia declared a “special operation” and launched an open attack on Ichkeria, the newly formed independent state in the Caucasus. Prior to that, the Kremlin actively nurtured and financed pro-Russian opposition in Chechnya. It was with this opposition that Madiev fought in 1992.
“My first battle took place in the Achkhoy-Martanovsky District, where I organized resistance from that region to Ichkeria. When they (pro-Russian opposition members) first attacked us, we fought back in that area. The war subsided and then broke out. It started again in 1994,” recalls Muslim Madiev.
During the First Chechen War, Muslim Musayevich fought alongside one of the most well-known generals of Ichkeria, Ruslan Gelayev, who appointed him as his deputy. In 1996, they defended Grozny from Russian soldiers who failed to capture the city. After the victory of the Chechen fighters, Madiev began working in the Security Council of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria, alongside another significant figure of that period, Dokka Umarov.
In 1999, Russia sought revenge. The war lasted for almost 10 years, and Chechnya was ultimately exhausted and forcibly incorporated as one of the subjects of the federation.
“We still have no news about 25,000 missing people. They simply buried them. The same way they executed people here, they did it to us. We knew it would be like this. The methods haven’t changed. They don’t spare their own, let alone us. We experienced purges, concentration camps — we witnessed all of it,” says Muslim.
When Russia occupied part of Ukraine in 2014, Chechens, together with Ukrainian forces, fought against the aggressor as part of the Dzhokhar Dudayev Battalion. In 2016, Muslim Madiev joined the battalion and later became the deputy commander.
“We are trying to help the Ukrainian people in any way we can because we know the sorrow that Russians bring. They have brought it to our people as well. This is already my third war with Russia. I have witnessed all their crimes, all the atrocities they commit. And if they were able to capture Kyiv, I know what they would do here,” notes Muslim Madiev.
The Chechen battalion regularly deploys to the front lines and participates in battles. When the full-scale invasion began, Madiev’s sons also joined him to fight. In response to the rather obvious question about whether his motivation to fight on the side of the Ukrainians is “personal” against Russians, the military remains silent for a while and then says that the “personal” aspect does not apply to him but to all of Chechnya.
How do Chechens view Russians?
“I don’t even know how to express it correctly. Somehow, Dzhokhar Dudayev said, ‘Disgust.’ They have a different mindset. They are like slaves, do you understand? Slaves need to be kept in line, so they want us to submit to them. Peoples who refuse to be slaves will fight. We have been fighting with them for 300 years, and you are fighting and will continue to fight until they back down,” says Muslim.
Today’s leadership of Chechnya, headed by Ramzan Kadyrov, is considered by Madiev as “not ours.” Madiev also considers Kadyrov himself, the son of Akhmat Kadyrov, who was once appointed as the head of Chechnya by Russian President Vladimir Putin, to be a collaborator of Russian special services.
“They appointed him to have influence over Chechnya. And in the Caucasus, if they can pacify Chechnya, other peoples won’t fight. Chechnya is uncompromising. We are a free people; we cannot be slaves,” emphasizes Musliv Madiev.
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Madiev speaks reluctantly about Russia itself, his voice filled with anger. According to him, Russia should have been dismantled immediately after the First Chechen War.
“They should not have been left. We made a mistake by leaving them,” adds Musim Madiev.
He repeats the phrase “Russia needs to be dismantled” several times. For a man who has spent half his life fighting against Russian troops, their elimination is the only opportunity to finally breathe. That’s why he travels to places where they appear and contributes to the dismantling of Russia.
Madiev refers to Ukrainians as brothers and Ukraine as a free nation. “Like Chechens,” he adds.
“I stand here not only for your people. If I win here, I will liberate Chechnya as well. Because I stand for my people too. It is a must, without it, nothing will change,” concluded Muslim Madiev.
“We are helping Ukraine because Ukrainians helped us”
We arrange to meet with a Georgian military serviceman over the phone. He identifies himself as Mamuka and provides an address. The car stops at the checkpoint, where a Georgian soldier greets us politely. We explain the purpose of our visit, and the barrier lifts up, granting us access to a large military compound.
Mamuka meets us near the car, where he is engaged in conversation with his comrades. He constantly laughs, but his gaze remains serious and somewhat cautious. Switching to Russian, he introduces himself as Mamuka Mamulashvili.
Mamulashvili is the founder and commander of the Georgian National Legion. The 45-year-old man has been fighting against Russians for 31 years. At the age of 14, Mamuka went to Abkhazia to join his father, who was involved in battles against Russian troops. The invaders captured him and held him captive for three months. The teenager was tortured and subjected to simulated executions. His father, Zuraba, was held captive by Russians for almost two years.
Mamulashvili obtained a diplomatic education. He describes the military profession as more of a lifestyle. He emphasizes that Georgia faced Russian aggression long before Ukraine, so people there have a good understanding of Ukrainians.
“I participated in the war in the 90s, and we fought against Russia for a year and a half back then. In 2008, it was only a matter of a few days. Georgia has experienced several attempts at occupation,” recalls Mamuka.
The Georgian Legion has been fighting alongside the Ukrainian Armed Forces since 2014. Throughout this time, the servicemen have been engaged in special operations, most of which are aimed at eliminating Russian officers. Mamuka doesn’t provide specific details, but when asked about the success of these operations, he smiles satisfactorily and says, “We have one of the highest success rates.”
Mamulashvili understood that Russia would launch a full-scale invasion of Ukraine, so the legion actively trained its fighters until February 24th. In February 2022, he and his compatriots were among the first to encounter Russians in Hostomel.
Despite his own difficult experiences, Mamuka emphasizes that he doesn’t harbor any personal feelings towards Russians.
“I wouldn’t say it’s related to emotions. What we are doing in Ukraine is about professionalism and composure. We are helping Ukraine because Ukrainians helped us. Ukrainians were practically the only ones who assisted us. Azerbaijanis also fought on our side. Armenians formed a battalion and fought against us. It’s not surprising. I wouldn’t call it a paradox, but when Georgia was in trouble, our neighboring state went against us,” says Mamuka.
According to Mamulashvili, the Georgian government today is completely under the influence of the Kremlin. Russia considers it crucial to have control over Georgia as practically all smuggling flows through it.
“Such ‘miracles’ are achieved through significant finances, especially Russian cash distributed during elections. Unfortunately, the legacy of the Soviet Union, which includes bribery and buying voters, is still relevant in Georgia. After 10 years of reforms, we see the same picture,” notes Mamuka Mamulashvili.
At the same time, the majority of Georgians, according to the interlocutor, are opposed to the government and against Russians.
How do Georgians feel about Russians occupying Georgia?
“They feel absolutely negative about it. I believe that if Russians had even a drop of self-respect, they wouldn’t come to Georgia. But there is no self-respect there,” emphasizes Mamuka.
According to Mamulashvili, the situation in Georgia is becoming more tense. Whether Georgians are ready for political and physical de-occupation or not, he cannot say because he doesn’t want to speak on behalf of everyone. In his words, Georgians have to decide for themselves. If there is a desire, the legion will assist them.
“The Georgian Legion was created to counter the Russian army. It doesn’t matter whether it’s in Ukraine or elsewhere, the Georgian Legion will fight, regardless of when we liberate the occupied territories in Ukraine,” adds Mamuka.
When we ask Mamulashvili how he feels in Ukraine, he says that from the very beginning, there was no internal barrier, and jokingly adds, “it feels like home.” But when asked about the Ukrainian Armed Forces, he becomes more serious.
“The Armed Forces of Ukraine have gone through a rigorous stage of evolution, and they have become one of the best armies in the world. Ukrainians learn very quickly,” says Mamulashvili.
According to the man, the Russian army cannot boast of professionalism or qualification. Today, the Russian army relies solely on quantity and large stockpiles of outdated equipment. Such an army is incapable of waging modern warfare, Mamulashvili adds.
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When asked about what is wrong with Russian society, a look of disgust appears on Mamulashvili’s face.
“They are a terrorist people, a people of exiles, a people that should not exist in the form it currently does. Russians pose a threat to the entire global community. I am convinced that all terrorist acts worldwide are the work of Russia. I would say that the modern world is simply pushing away an entity like Russia because it cannot exist in the present. Russians are absolute barbarians engaged in primitive acts,” notes Mamuka Mamulashvili.
We draw parallels between the events in Ukraine in 2014 and similar events in Georgia in 2008. The military warns that Ukrainians need to be cautious and vigilant because Russia, if it fails to achieve its desired goals, will attempt to “buy the power.” Additionally, the Kremlin will continue to distort Ukrainian history, and to ensure that this deception is never exposed, Russians are willing to kill.
What is the future of Russia?
“Russia will inevitably collapse. I believe that this war has provided impetus for the hostile state to fall apart. But it will come at the cost of many Ukrainian lives,” concluded Mamuka Mamulashvili.
“Why can’t Yakutia separate? We can hold a referendum”
Yakutia, or the Republic of Sakha, at first glance, seems like a rather atypical example of a country or region occupied by Russia. That is until you remember that the entire Russian Federation, with the exception of a few dozen cities, consists of regions that were annexed, often forcibly, at different times, where Russians do not constitute the majority ethnic group. The Republic of Sakha, as the Yakuts themselves call it, is one such example.
The settlement of Russians in Yakutia began as early as the 1600s, primarily through the exile of prisoners. During the Soviet era, gold and diamond deposits were discovered in the region, which increased interest in Yakutia. Concurrently, national movements regularly emerged in the Republic, one of which was even called “Independent from Russians,” and literature and press in the Yakut language were published.
However, in line with tradition, the Soviet Union suppressed the local ethnic group, prohibiting any authenticity and diluting the predominantly Yakut population with settlers. The Republic of Sakha became Yakutia, and in 1991, it became the largest subject within the Russian Federation.
Vladyslav Ammosov is a Yakut. Today, he is in Kyiv, traveling to the front lines and assisting the Armed Forces of Ukraine in the war against Russia. This is surprising because Ammosov is not just a citizen of Russia. Until 2011, he worked as a Russian intelligence officer, specializing primarily in the methods of “destroying countries.”
“We were engaged in this scientific work, determining which sectors of the economy needed to be influenced to render a country economically incapable of further waging war. After all, it is the economy that is at war. We did not study Ukraine; our focus was on the United States and the United Kingdom. However, striking power stations is one of those factors,” he says.
Vladyslav describes himself as a child of the USSR and admits that for a certain period, he was an “imperialist.” Like his peers, he grew up on Soviet literature and Soviet films, where the main protagonists were Russians.
“I had a typical Soviet-imperial worldview. Everything Soviet was good, and Russians were portrayed as carriers of goodness and light. We were all indoctrinated with propaganda,” recalls Vladyslav.
Ammosov decided to join the army out of patriotic considerations. Serving the homeland was not only seen as a noble cause but also a kind of social elevator, especially for Yakuts, who were considered “non-Slavic.” The first, as he calls it, “sobering” experience came during the Chechen wars, in which he participated.
“I witnessed how we were fighting, what we were fighting for, and why the Chechens were fighting. The First Chechen War was a war of the people, and they won that war. But in the Second Chechen War, Russia attacked an independent country and destroyed 30% of its population. I saw the punitive operations, the treatment of soldiers. I saw the officers who served there. It had a sobering effect on the young and immature psyche,” notes Vladyslav.
However, after the army, Vladyslav went to work in the Russian Main Intelligence Directorate, where he carried out various tasks “for the good of the homeland.” He completely stopped believing in this “good” in 2011, so he resigned from the organization and worked for himself for some time. Five years later, after Russia occupied Crimea and parts of Donbas, he realized that he couldn’t stay in that country anymore because sooner or later he would lose his job and perhaps even his freedom. That’s why Ammosov moved to Poland with his family.
“In 2014, Russia embarked on a path of self-destruction. If you attack another country, disregarding all norms and rules, then what prevents the same from being applied to Russia itself? Why can’t Buryatia, Kalmykia, Yakutia separate? We can hold a referendum,” notes Vladyslav.
When the full-scale war with Russia broke out in Ukraine, Vladyslav immediately started looking for opportunities to come and join the ranks of the Armed Forces of Ukraine. Today, he is establishing the first Siberian Battalion in Ukraine. While the training of fighters is ongoing, Ammosov periodically travels to the front, has visited Zaporizhzhia, and, as he says, “went down” to Belgorod.
Did you find the moral choice to kill your own people difficult?
“What moral choice can there be! I once served in the army, I was already prepared to shoot at my own if needed. This system is geared towards always being ready to eliminate our own, shoot traitors, deserters, deploy units, line up people and execute them, personally shoot during combat. In Russia, there is no moral dilemma about shooting at our own. You can’t imagine the level of violence in Russia,” says Vladyslav.
Vladyslav, as a military man, does not want to talk about what exactly he is doing in Ukraine, but he extensively discusses the “Russian world” in which he lived for most of his life. Most often, what a Russian passport holder like him has to deal with is everyday fascism.
“In Yakutia, there are two worlds — the Yakut world and the Russian world. They may intersect in some places, but they hardly mix. It’s a peculiarity of Russia. Russians living in Yakutia do not learn the Yakut language, although all Yakuts know Russian because it’s the language of the empire. If you don’t know it, you won’t get anywhere. And when a Yakut leader is appointed, there must always be a Russian as his deputy,” explains Vladyslav Ammosov.
Vladyslav refers to his native region as a “colony,” although many Yakuts do not understand this. This is due to the active pro-Russian propaganda being conducted in Yakutia. Additionally, the Kremlin operates in the spirit of an empire, forcing some locals to subjugate others. However, according to Vladyslav, Russians themselves are not as cruel as the “brainwashed” ones.
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“Their lives have been made so senseless and futile that they have accepted it themselves. If they were living well, they probably wouldn’t want to go and die. But when you have a bleak life, a miserable existence, debts, perpetual discontent, a wife, children, then it’s easier for you to go and die in a war than to carry the burden on your shoulders,” says Vladyslav.
No matter how absurd Russian propaganda may be, Russians will believe in it because “if they start thinking, they will have to admit that their lives are miserable and they themselves are miserable,” says Ammosov.
When asked why Russian officers, many of whom have access to alternative sources, also believe in the propaganda, Vladyslav laughed.
“Those times when an officer was an honorable and noble figure are gone. Nowadays, you won’t find a more servile and brainwashed creature than a Russian officer. Those were the times of traditions and integrity. Now it’s all about ‘turn off the lights,” explains Vladyslav.
Today, Ammosov refers to the current army as a “worker-peasant” army that operates under a simple principle: the officer is a slave, and the commander has absolute power over him. The days of “noble and noble” figures ended in 1917, and now the Russian soldier “pulls his collective farm harness.”
“Ukraine is still freer, you can feel it. Even on the front, it’s not like in Russia where it’s ‘I’m the boss, you’re a fool.’ People treat each other with more respect,” notes Vladyslav.
When it comes to motivation, which is not as apparent in the case of Chechens or Georgians since Yakutia is recognized as part of Russia under international law, we raise the question to him. Vladyslav remains silent for a while and then articulates practically what people whose countries are occupied by Russia say.
By fighting on the side of Ukraine, I am fighting against Russia. And I want this country to cease to exist. It’s very easy to sit somewhere across the border and wait for it to collapse. But it could take another 50-100 years for it to crumble, causing even more suffering and turmoil to people. We can contribute to this cause. I believe that Ukraine’s victory will determine many processes in Russia.
Throughout its existence, both as part of the Soviet Union and as a federation, Russia has never lost the opportunity to restore its imperial past. By occupying bordering states and eradicating its own ethnic diversity, the Kremlin has not forgotten to emphasize that global dominance is distributed unfairly and the role of the “world’s mistress” should belong to Russia.
World leaders have long tried to appease Moscow’s ambitions, which were openly intimidating, and tried not to provoke the “Russian bear.” Perhaps this is one of the reasons why in 2022 the Russian army initiated the largest war on the European continent since World War II.
Today, thousands of people who are not Ukrainians have decided to fight against the Russian army wherever it may be. While serving in the ranks of the Armed Forces of Ukraine, they are fighting not only for the peaceful lives of Ukrainians themselves but also against the occupiers who have seized their own countries. When speaking about their motivation, each of them emphasizes that they believe Ukraine’s victory will trigger the process of Russia’s disintegration.
Originally posted by Yulia Akymova on RBC-Ukraine. Translated and edited by the UaPosition – Ukrainian news and analytics website
